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Veils
of smoke hung above.
Many of the exhausted prisoners, insensate
from torture and starvation, slumped lifelessly, waiting to fade
into death. But most of the 60,000 human beings squeezed into this
unimaginable clearing amongst the evergreens were still running
from place to place, performing assigned chores quickly, proving
their strength and viability for yet another day of existence. Surviving
the moment was their quest. (1)
This nightmare was Bergen-Belsen concentration camp, a special Hell
on Earth created by Nazi Germany.
At the rear of the camp, just meters from its back fence, stood
a solitary guard tower. Its cross-barred wooden frame rose some
25 feet in the air. Looking down from this commanding perch, one
saw three orderly rows of wooden barracks down to the right. Along
the left, lay kitchens, workshops, storage areas, and latrines
haphazardly arrayed between curved, muddy lanes. This length of
incarceration all terminated several hundred meters away at the
gate leading to the camp commandant's office and the SS encampment.
A barbed-wire perimeter gave the camp definition even as a series
of internal fences straddling patrol aisles segmented the cruel
confines into six sub-camps. (2)
Just below the rear watchtower, a round-topped furnace squatted
atop the mud. Black and elongated, the furnace resembled a locomotive
engine, but with two weighty kiln doors at the front. Its single,
tall, sooty smokestack rose several meters into the air. A hand-made
metal stretcher of sorts, used to slide emaciated corpses into
the flame, was always nearby. Here was the crematorium. Not hidden
out of sight, nor obscured by structures or berms, the crematorium
was close enough to burn the eyes of any SS guard stationed in
the watchtower. The ominous structure and its message were visible
to all as the final way station should fate falter-or deliver.
(3)
Situated between two rivers and the towns Bergen and Belsen, the
site was originally established in spring 1943 as a prisoner transit
camp for 10,000 Jews who might be ransomed or traded. But in the
last months of 1944 and early 1945, as Nazi death camps, including
Auschwitz, were liberated by the Allies, Belsen became a nightmare
of human consolidation, receiving transports from other sites.
By spring 1945, more than 40,000 were imprisoned under indescribable
conditions. Starved, worked to death, and randomly tortured, the
death toll rose to nearly 20,000 just for the month of March 1945.
After liberation, horrified British medical teams were unable
to save some 14,000 dying souls. Eventually bulldozers were deployed
to gruesomely shovel bodies into trenches of twisted rigor mortis.
(4)
Just meters from the Belsen crematorium, off to the left, near
the kitchens and the cisterns, down a muddy path, stood the block
leader's house. Inmates sometimes called this place "the
lion's den." Within "the lion's den" was a room
for the Arbeitsdienstführer, the Labor Service Leader. That is
where the Hollerith punch cards were processed. At first glance,
they seemed like simple rectangular cards, five and a quarter
inches long, three and a quarter inches tall, divided into numbered
columns with holes punched in various rows. (5)
But they were much more than simple cards.
Beginning in December 1944, a Dutch Jew, Rudolf Cheim, was assigned
to work in the Labor Service Office. Hungry and desperate to stay
warm, Cheim tried every cold morning to locate a bit of extra
food and some matches to make a fire. Kindling was stacked in
the office. But no matches. For those, Cheim needed to venture
into the other room where the SS officers slouched on chairs.
Invariably, they viciously punched him in the face as the price
for walking near to obtain a match. But it was worth it for Cheim.
He could survive. (6)
Working in the Arbeitsdienst was good. The Labor Service Office
held the power of life or death over prisoners, including him.
If an inmate could work, he could live. Cheim was happy for an
office assignment working with the Hollerith punch cards and their
coded numbers. But as he did, he silently observed through the
corner of his eye the SS men administering the card sorting procedure.
For five weeks he took mental notes. (7)
Quickly, Cheim learned the method. Every day, transports of slave
laborers were received. Prisoners were identified by descriptive
Hollerith cards, each with columns and punched holes detailing
nationality, date of birth, marital status, number of children,
reason for incarceration, physical characteristics, and work skills.
Sixteen coded categories of prisoners were listed in columns 3
and 4, depending upon the hole position: hole 3 signified homosexual,
hole 9 for anti-social, hole 12 for Gypsy. Hole 8 designated a
Jew. Printouts based on the cards listed the prisoners by personal
code number as well. (8)
Column 34 was labeled: "Reason for Departure." Code
2 simply meant transferred to another camp for continuing labor.
Natural death was coded 3. Execution was coded 4. Suicide coded
5. The ominous code 6 designated "special handling,"
the term commonly understood as extermination, either in a gas
chamber, by hanging, or by gunshot. (9)
As the trains and trucks rolled in from Belgium, France, and Holland,
thousands of punch cards were examined, processed, and the information
fed back to the Department of Statistics at the SS Economics Office
in Oranienburg. The numbered men and women were compared to a
list of work needs at Bergen-Belsen and other camps. "Never
a name," Cheim remembers, "only the assigned numbers."
How many died was just a statistic to note, a detail for the machines
to digest. That December 1944, some 20,000 prisoners were registered;
50 deaths per day, on average, were recorded on punch cards.(10)
Cheim learned that to discover the occupational make-up of a prisoner
group, each inmate's individual punch card was fed into the mechanical
sorter. Then the dials were adjusted to isolate certain professions,
labor skills, age groups, or language abilities needed for work
battalions. If prisoners were selected for work, their names appeared
on a Hollerith printout for transport to nearby sub-camps, factories,
and even local farms. (11)
Labor requirements were reported and then matched by Office D
II of the SS Economics Office, which administered all the camps
under Gen. Oswald Pohl. Pohl, creator of the "Extermination
by Labor" program, ardently argued that expeditiously gassing
Jews deprived the Reich of an important resource. His idea, "Extermination
by Labor," quite simply meant working Jews to death. Only
after outliving their usefulness would they be deported to death
camps for gassing. Office D II embraced SS Chief Heinrich Himmler's
declaration: "If 10,000 Russian females collapse from exhaustion
while digging a tank ditch, it interests me only so far as the
tank ditch is completed for Germany." (12)
Cheim took special notice one day when five women escaped from
Bergen-Belsen. Angry SS guards vowed to recapture them. They resented
reporting the prisoner departures in Column 34 of the punch card
forms as Code 7-Escaped. (13)
He became fascinated with a young Dutch seamstress. Who was she?
Her journey began in the Westerbork camp. Went to Auschwitz. She
was born May 10, 1924. No name. Just a number. 53752. But who
was 53752, Cheim wondered? Did she not have a name, only a number?
(14)
Cheim soon began to understand the truth. Hundreds of thousands
of human beings were being identified, sorted, assigned, and transported
by means of the Hollerith system. Numbers and punch cards had
dehumanized them all, he thought. Numbers and punch cards would
probably kill them all. But Cheim never understood where the Hollerith
system came from. (15)
One December morning, even as the numbered man Cheim, in his tattered
uniform, stepped quickly toward the Bergen-Belsen Hollerith office
to stay warm and to stay alive, another man, this one dressed
elegantly in a fine suit and warm overcoat, stepped out of a new
chauffeured car at 590 Madison Avenue in New York. He was Thomas
J. Watson. His company, IBM-one of the biggest in the world-custom-designed
and leased the Hollerith card sorting system to the Third Reich
for use at Bergen-Belsen and most of the other concentration camps.
International Business Machines also serviced its machines almost
monthly, and trained Nazi personnel to use the intricate systems.
Duplicate copies of code books were kept in IBM's offices in case
field books were lost. What's more, his company was the exclusive
source for up to 1.5 billion punch cards the Reich required each
year to run its machines. (16)
Indeed, the systems were not only used in the concentration camps,
but hundreds of them had been installed for years throughout the
entire commercial, industrial, war-making, and anti-Jewish infrastructure
of Nazi Germany and Nazi-dominated Europe.
On this cold December day, Watson was unyielding. His German subsidiary,
Dehomag, was out of control. More lawyers would be called, more
telegrams would be sent, more clever maneuvering with the State
Department would be undertaken-not to stop Dehomag from its genocidal
partnership with the Third Reich, but to ensure that all the proceeds
and profits remained with IBM NY. No matter who won, IBM would
prosper. Business was its middle name.
CHAPTER
ONE ENDNOTES
(1)
"Recollection of Hanna Lévy-Hass" in Eberhard Kolb,
Bergen-Belsen: From "Detention Camp" to Concentration
Camp, 1943-45, trans. Gregory Claeys and Christine Lattke (Göttingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1985), p. 66; see Encyclopaedia Judaica,
s.v. "Bergen-Belsen," p. 611; Kolb, pp. 29, 41, 94,
98, as well as the photos; General Glyn-Hughes, Cité in Le grand
livre des témoins, FNDIRP, Ramsey, 1995, p. 291; also see photos,
The Nizkor Project, www.nizkor.org;
Judith Jaegermann, "Memories of My Childhood in the Holocaust,"
Oral History in A History of Jews in Hamburg, Hamburg University,
www.rrz.uni-hamburg.de. [back to text]
Hadassah Rosensaft Collection, United States Holocaust Memorial
Museum (USHMM) Photo Archives; Encyclopaedia Judaica s.v. "Bergen-Belsen,"
p. 611; Kolb, p. 29 [back to text]
Hadassah Rosensaft crematorium photo, April 28, 1945, USHMM. [back
to text]
Encyclopaedia Judaica, s.v. "Bergen-Belsen," p. 612;
Brigadier Hugh Llewelyn Glyn- Hughes in "Excerpts from The
Belsen Trial, Pt. 2 of 5: Testimony Concerning Water and Food,"
The Nizkor Project, www.nizkor.org;
see Raymond Philips, ed., The Trial of Josef Kramer and 44 Others:
The Belsen Trial, (London: William Hodge and Co., 1949); Kolb,
p. 40. [back to text]
Papers of Rudolf Martin Cheim, Joodsche Raad Voor Amsterdam, p.
26, YIVO RG804; Kolb, p. 29; see Encyclopaedia Judaica, s.v. "Bergen-Belsen,"
p. 611. [back to text]
Papers of Rudolf Martin Cheim, Joodsche Raad Voor Amsterdam, p.
26, YIVO RG804. [back to text]
Papers of Rudolf Martin Cheim, Joodsche Raad Voor Amsterdam, p.
26, YIVO RG804. [back to text]
Papers of Rudolf Martin Cheim, Joodsche Raad Voor Amsterdam, p.
26, YIVO RG804; see NA RG242/338, T1021, Roll 5, Frame 126. [back
to text]
Papers of Rudolf Martin Cheim, Joodsche Raad Voor Amsterdam, pp.
26-27, YIVO RG804; Testimony Of and Concerning Irma Grese in "Excerpts
from The Belsen Trial, Part 5 of 5: The Trial of Adolf Eichmann,
Session 101 (Pt. 3 of 4), The Nizkor Project,
www.nizkor.org;" Jamie McCarthy and Ken McVay, "The
Meaning of Special Treatment, Pt.1 of 3," Deceit and Misrepresentation:
The Techniques of Holocaust Denial, The Nizkor Project, www.nizkor.org;
Raul Hilberg, Documents of Destruction: Germany and Jewry 1933-1945
(Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1971), pp. 219-223. [back
to text]
Papers of Rudolf Martin Cheim, Joodsche Raad Voor Amsterdam, p.
28, YIVO RG804. [back to text]
Papers of Rudolf Martin Cheim, Joodsche Raad Voor Amsterdam, pp.
27-28, YIVO RG804. Memo and Transfer List, Ravensbrück Concentration
Camp Labor Deployment Office to Flossenbürg Concentration Camp
Labor Deployment Office, September 1, 1944, D II NA RG242/338,
T1021 Reel 17. [back to text]
Operation of D II, IMT, 5:980-992; sound recording, Heinrich Himmler's
Speech at Posen, October 4, 1943, NA RG238, PS 1919. [back
to text]
Papers of Rudolf Martin Cheim, Joodsche Raad Voor Amsterdam, pp.
27, YIVO RG804. [back to text]
Papers of Rudolf Martin Cheim, Joodsche Raad Voor Amsterdam, p.
27-28, YIVO RG804. [back to text]
Papers of Rudolf Martin Cheim, Joodsche Raad Voor Amsterdam, p.
26, YIVO RG804. [back to text]
Thomas J. Watson, Jr. and Peter Petre, Father, Son & Co.:
My Life at IBM and Beyond (New York: Bantam Books, 1990), pp.
29-30; CSDIC, "Secret Report: PW Intelligence Bulletin No.
2/57," April 25, 1945, p. 4, NA RG226; "Deutsche Hollerith
Maschinen: Confidential Report 242," p. 8, submitted by Harold
J. Carter, December 8, 1943, Department of Justice, War Division,
Economic Warfare Section, NA RG60. [back to text]
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